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Changes to processes can reap big benefits

Achieving marketing efficiencies requires a combination of marketing skills and operations management. The biggest hurdle in achieving marketing efficiencies is assessing the current situation in an objective manner, clearly articulating the benefits, managing assets and proving program results. So before you rush to execute "the next big thing" create an environment that encourages dialog with your current marketing team, identifies areas of opportunities and defines objectives and results.
By leveraging technology, marketing objectives can be clearly defined in quantitative terms (hard numbers) and ROI can be easily calculated proving greater efficiencies to your marketing operations.

Six steps to marketing efficiencies

Using a Marketing Operations Management (MOM) solution, the CMO can create a marketing culture that will streamline marketing processes at both the operational and campaign level, will propel the organization to reduce waste, and will drive higher revenue returns. It is not as difficult as you may think if you leverage the MOM technology and follow these six simple steps:
1. Communicate marketing objectives
All too often, marketing teams tend to repeat the marketing campaigns from one year to another based on their historical returns. The future value often changes based on market trends and competitive environment. This misalignment of business objectives and marketing execution is one of the biggest sources of inefficiencies.
Rigorous quantification of business objectives into marketing performance indicators (MPI) result in Marketing Scorecards, that can help the CMO to consistently communicate marketing objective. MPIs such as brand awareness, market share, leads, customer satisfaction, etc. help marketing teams to align and fine-tune their marketing mix to achieve the marketing objectives. In addition, it helps marketing management to monitor if these objectives are being achieved during the course of execution of marketing activities.

2. Define marketing plans
Most marketing planning and budgeting activities tend to be manual, iterative and ad hoc exercises. The final plans are hidden behind mountains of spreadsheets and documents that are not visible to most stakeholders until the last minute. This results in constant and unnecessary urgencies and causes wasteful crisis-driven operations.
Marketers need to define and create a standard, enterprise-wide online template that stores all the captured information as structured document. This will help marketers ensure the consistency of information, improve collaboration (among authors of the strategic plans and with upper management for the plan review) and automate the generation of reports showing the effect of marketing strategy with respect to marketing objectives, channels, segments and products. Marketers also need to define a consistent format for building an operational plan in terms of marketing activities or initiatives. For example, each marketing activity should have clearly defined parameters such as marketing objectives, products, segments, channels, expected results, etc., in addition to the budget and execution schedule. Taking the time to define a clear and consistent plan-template will ensure that the operational plan data is uniform throughout the organization, has the ability to automate the consolidation of budgets for financial analysis and can generate reports showing break-up of budgets by marketing objectives, channels, segments and products.

3. Track marketing budgets
Today, marketing managers and marketing/financial controllers are forced to spend a significant amount of time tracking budgets for marketing activities, tracking the associated invoices and following up with vendors for payments. Marketing related financial information tends to be processed three times; first, by marketing manager in their Excel spreadsheets, next by the marketing controller in their Access database, and finally by the finance department in the ERP system. As a result, marketing groups have great difficulty adjusting budgets in response to new market and business realities since none of the information on budgets, commitments and spends is current. This makes it almost impossible for marketers to generate reports correlating their budgets with various marketing and business parameters, so it is never really clear to them where the money is being spent.
By creating a single, online centralized system that integrates financial reporting with operational planning tools, marketers can submit the requests for purchase orders and forward invoices to the controllers. They can also share and integrate forecasting and financial scheduling data, track vendor information, vendor estimates and invoices. More importantly, automating the budgeting functions enables marketers to make instantaneous adjustments in both budget and strategy to ensure optimum effectiveness.

4. Streamline and automate marketing workflows
All to often project managers in marketing service departments are charged with coordinating large numbers of marketing projects related to product launches, advertising, promotions, sponsorships and events between marketing managers and external service providers using rudimentary tools such as spreadsheets and e-mails. Their communications with both marketing managers and external partners tends to be ad hoc, subjective and non-uniform, which leads to inconsistent results.
Marketers need to define both uniform processes and templates in order to streamline communications between different stakeholders. By providing project managers with an online tool that manages workflow, they are able to capture and communicate marketing briefs, track project timelines and assign work to external partners. Further, by automating the tracking function, managers can use this information to integrate with operational planners and generate marketing briefs for executing marketing activities and integrate with budget managers to track vendor estimates and invoices per project.

5. Control marketing assets and improve reuse
Much time, effort and money is wasted due to a marketer's inability to control and manage their marketing assets. Traditionally, product and advertising photos, marketing collateral, logos, etc. are scattered across several media silos, geographical regions, marketing and product teams and even external agencies. Marketing managers and marketing services groups are forced to spend a significant amount of time and effort searching for them and wind up paying a substantial amount of money to external agencies for fulfilment of their requests. This inconvenience of accessing and retrieving marketing assets results in recurring repurchases and redesigns leading to further cost overruns and time delays.
To overcome these obstacles, CMOs need to create a repository that houses all of their marketing assets and provides controlled access to employees and partners. For instance, by instituting a template driven artwork adaptation system, the marketing department can eliminate graphics production costs and time delays related to the modification of office stationery, customer communications pieces, marketing collateral and promotional items. By housing marketing assets in one centralized location, the entire marketing group will dramatically enhance the reuse of existing assets, resulting in huge cost and time savings.

6. Manage brands
One of the most important and over-looked components of an effective marketing strategy is managing your company's brand assets. As a CMO, you need to articulate both your brand strategy and brand essence to your marketing managers and define creative guidelines for external agencies if you want to ensure the consistent and accurate expressions of brands. All too often, companies find themselves investing a significant amount of money and effort in producing and distributing brand books and building and maintaining specialized brand websites. However, the information presented tends to be overwhelming, outdated and represents a "one-way communication" from the corporate headquarters to the markets.
Savvy marketers know that by implementing a collaborative environment that enables brand managers and external suppliers to contribute brand related content, without requiring them to be experts in Internet technologies, results in the organization's ability to access the most up-to-date visual identity elements

Six steps to better marketing operations management

By Chetan Saiya (CEO, Assetlink Corporation)
Published by The Wise Marketer in June 2005.
A number of factors conspire against marketers these days, making it hard to execute, monitor, and measure marketing operations manually. Here, Assetlink details six steps to aid the troubled CMO...
Shorter product life cycles, simultaneous global product launches and increased focus on multi-channel, integrated campaign management are making it impossible to execute marketing processes manually. In addition Sarbanes-Oxley compliance is forcing marketing organizations to demonstrate transparency and accountability of their operations. As a result the CMO is challenged with instituting efficient and measurable marketing processes.
Culturally, introducing efficiencies into the marketing function is not easy. Marketing teams pride themselves for their strategic thinking and creative skills. Efficient marketing operations management (MOM) often takes a back seat. The problem is further aggravated by heavy dependence on external partners for advertising, promotions, creative design and production. Well thought-out change management practices, combined with the right technology, can help dramatically improve marketing efficiencies. Consequently, marketing teams become more available for greater strategic and creative thinking by automating mundane activities.

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UNIT-6 GANDHIAN PERSPECTIVE
Structure
6.0 Learning Outcome

6.1 Introduction
6.2 Gandhi and the Modern State
6.2.1 Critique of the Modern State
6.2.2 Modern State and India
6.3 Model of Polity: ‘Swaraj’
6.3.1 Guiding Principles
6.3.2 Functional Doctrine
6.3.3 Understanding ‘Swaraj’
6.4 Liberalism and Gandhian Polity
6.5 Trusteeship
6.6 Conclusion
6.7 Key Concepts
6.8 References and Further Reading
6.9 Activities

6.0 LEARNING OUTCOME
After reading this Unit, you will be able to:
• Discuss Gandhi’s critique of the modern State
• Understand Gandhi’s model of polity
• Analyse Gandhian polity in relation to some core areas of Liberalism; and
• Throw light on Gandhi’s theory of Trusteeship

6.1 INTRODUCTION
Gandhian perspective on the theory of the State questions, at the theoretical plane, the very basis of the modern State. At the methodological plane, it reflects a growing dissatisfaction with the working of the State and contends its unsuitability for India. Together these features make possible a model of polity whose guiding principles and functional doctrine constitute an innovative system known as ‘Swaraj’. In our earlier Units on Liberal, Marxist and Neo-liberal perspective of State, we have read about the different dimensions and viewpoints on the nature, scope and evolution of the State. The perspectives define the State as ‘necessary evil’, ‘interim transitory phase, and ‘welfare promoter’. Gandhi’s views differ significantly from these perspectives even though some traces of basic liberal thought can be seen in his vision. This Unit will examine Gandhi’s viewpoints on State and Indian polity.
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Gandhi talks about ‘Swaraj’ in the framework of a code that would determine the Constitutional formulation of Indian home rule. Its clear exposition can be found in Hind Swaraj written in 1909. Hind Swaraj, with its succinct remarks on the Western ideals of techno-modernism and its expression of the elements of ‘Swaraj’ (Indian Home Rule-translated by Gandhi himself), provides valuable insights into Gandhian thought and his vision of Indian nation.
There has been a marked proclivity in recent years, to turn to creative writings in order to obtain insights into societal processes. It reflects a growing dissatisfaction with the conventional source material and reveals an urge for a ‘dynamic view’ of cognitive fields questioning the autonomy of specific Social Science disciplines. Together these trends make possible an operational innovativeness, which is going to help us in our objective of outlining the Gandhian perspective on the State.
Hind Swaraj is not a narrative text, but a critical dialogue addressing problems of understanding and explanation. Unlike the documentary conception of a text, it is an imaginative reconstruction of lived experience, which is suggestive of some of the most significant and subtle processes at work in the transformation of Indian society and polity under colonial dispensation. It is here that, among several other notions, are unfolded Gandhi’s precepts of ‘true civilisation’ and his delineation of the individual and collective conduct for attaining ‘home-rule’ for the Indian polity of his vision.
Hind Swaraj signals the need for an alternative approach to civil society beyond modernism. This approach is a combination of theoretical framework of ‘Swaraj’ and the practical tenets of a non-violent, self-contained, grass roots level society. The organising mechanism of this society within the coordinates of ‘Swaraj’ unravels a perspective of State that can be legitimately termed as Gandhian perspective. This Unit discusses some of the principles concerning the theory of State in consonance with the Gandhian perspective. It also takes recourse to the other Gandhian literature for empirical-analytic purposes and makes use of a good deal of contested material. This Unit also addresses several related issues concerning the Gandhian perspective without arguing one dominant thesis: the complex nature of the theory of trusteeship and its use as a bedrock for raising the edifice of a model polity. It deals with the ‘constructive programme’ as a creative response to, and the theoretical underpinning of, ‘Swaraj’. This Unit also reflects on the ‘Draft Constitution of Congress’ as an action blueprint for setting up a model polity for independent India.
In his editorial in Harijan (28 July 1946), Gandhi wrote that his vision of independent India might have been Euclidean yet worthy of being striven for: “if Euclid’s point, though incapable of being drawn by human agency, has an imperishable value, my picture has its own for mankind to live. Let India live for this true picture, though never realisable in its completeness. We must have a proper picture of what we want before we can have something approaching it.” Given his preference for action, there might seem initially a paradox here. But familiarity with the larger canvas of Gandhian ideology would quickly show that this theme pervades most of his writings. The maxim is his statement: We must have a proper picture of what we want before we can have something approaching it.” It engenders a self-reflexive and probing programme of action based on an ideal, closely approaching the “proper picture”. The cardinal points of Gandhian ideology cover a careful examination of the tenets of modern State, a scrutiny of their suitability for independent India and an enunciation of the guiding principles and functional doctrine of ‘Swaraj’, portrayed as a kind of model polity.

6.2 GANDHI AND THE MODERN STATE
The middle of the 19th century had seen the British become in effect the rulers of India. Their control was organised in a bureaucracy that boasted of a tradition of justice and fair dealing in the matters concerning the State and its subjects. From the standpoint of administrative theories, there had emerged a modern State with claims to democracy in India. In the tumult of the events of 1857, the true implications of this State had perhaps not become clearly manifest. The basic framework of this modern State was provided by a rule of law for the maintenance of public order and a political arrangement, the real motives of which were, however, commercial in nature. A workable basis for this State was provided by a taxation method that was essentially a combination of tax assessment and tax collection. At a deeper level of causation, the State with its stress on commerce and industry and its emphasis on demonstrable competence projected a contradictory picture in which the privileged seemed to be favoured further and the new Indian bourgeoisie representing commercial and professional classes felt alienated.
It was in this political climate that Gandhi emerged on the Indian scene and found the modern State a system considerably difficult to come to terms with. His exposure to law by training and his study of the functioning of British State in England and in the colonial territory of South Africa seemed to have given him a deep understanding of the theoretical framework of the modern State and its actual working in a variety of situations. Therefore, the professed adherence of the State to the rule of law and its actual interlocking with the dominant interests in the society were matters that were very disquieting to Gandhi. Consequently, he developed an understanding of the modern State that was profoundly original in its approach and refreshingly analytical in its assessment.
6.2.1 Critique of the Modern State

Gandhi’s critique of modern State emanated from its coercive aspect and its anti-human thrust. At a basic level, the mode of operation of the modern State constituted an infringement with his concept of non-violence. The moral dimensions of the modern State too were not agreeable to him. The moral compromises required to be made by individuals weakened the sense of responsibility and diluted personal integrity. Gandhi had incessantly combated this abnegation all his life. He was also of the view that the structuring of the modern State was such that its contact with the people was so obscured or even snapped as to make the acts of the State impersonal yet rendering people as accomplices to its immoral acts. He wrote in Young India (1931): “To me political power is not an end but one of the means of enabling people to better their condition in every department of life. Political power means capacity to regulate national life through national representatives. If national life becomes so perfect as to become self-regulated, no representation becomes necessary. There is then a State of enlightened anarchy. In such a State everyone is his own ruler. He rules himself in such a manner that he is never a hindrance to his neighbour. In the ideal State, therefore, there is no political power because there is no State. But the ideal is never fully realised in life. Hence the classical Statement of Thoreau that that government is best which governs the least.”
One of the key elements in his critique was the concept of autonomy, which was made up of two distinct ideas. One was the idea that citizens should neither be dominated by others nor by the State. The other idea held that individuals should be self-governing, should bear moral standards for a self-evaluative assessment and accept responsibility for individual selections. “Gandhi” writes R.J. Terchek, (2000) “Combines aspects of both civil Republicanism and Liberalism in his theory of autonomy in which he weaves together commitments to equality, non-domination, and personal responsibility”. Gandhian autonomy thus meant a set of moral principles as a guide to action and the
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necessity on the part of the individuals constituting the State to be self-reflective and responsible for their conduct. He advocated self-rule as a practice of non-domination for everyone. He also found modernity as an obstacle to autonomy since it introduced and justified new forms of domination based on a predetermined, external process of economic productivity. Simply stated, he found the autonomous person absent from the modern State; hence the objective of self-governance also missing from the modern State.
He also critiqued the impersonal character of the modern State, as he found it too rigidly rule-driven. In his opinion the modern State could be equated with a ‘machine’ without anyone being apparently in control of it. Gandhi was so neatly organised in his thought that opposition to the rigidity of rules would not have originated unless something really detestable was associated with it. His personal experience in South Africa in dealing with English law had shown him the real character of the haloed modern State. Its over-reliance on a rule-bound institutional framework in effect stifled humans forgetting that the State itself was an association of human beings.
“The State for Gandhi represented a cooperative of people sustained by the acts of its citizens. Each of them was therefore partly responsible for what the State did in their name. However, the modern State was so structured and run that it appeared to exist independently of them, obscured the links between its acts and theirs, and dulled their conscience. Without their realising it, they were morally compromised and rendered accomplices to its sometimes immoral deeds” (Parekh, 1989).
Another noteworthy feature of Gandhi’s critique related to the intrinsic homogenising tendency of the modern State. The uniform rules and bureaucratic management were the two principal tools of the State with the help of which a pliable society was converted into an amenable homogenous material. A major consequence of this was that the State would not accept individual differences and diversity of opinions and attitudes. It would become “Hostile to strong and independent-minded citizens, groups and communities lest they should become centres of independent initiative and dissent.” This impersonal character of the State prodded it to rely on fear and force.
In a write-up published in The Modern Review in the year 1935, Gandhi had made this point forcefully: “I look upon an increase in the power of the State with the greatest fear, because although while apparently doing good by minimising exploitation, it does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality, which lies at the root of all progress. The State represents violence in a concentrated and organised form. The individual has a soul, but as the State is a soulless machine, it can never be weaned from violence to which it owes its very existence. What I disapprove of is an organisation based on force which a State is. Voluntary organisation there must be”.
The violence of the modern State, in his view required a greater caution to be exercised, as it was not a violence that would be easily manifested. It was hidden behind the fabric of rules, never crudely flaunted but nevertheless subtly displayed at regular intervals, officalised such that no specific individual could be blamed for committing it, parceled out to a number of agencies to administer it on its behalf so that the citizens never grasped its scale and magnitude. All this created the dangerous illusion that the modern State had eliminated violence when in fact it had intensified it. (Cf Parekh, 1989, op.cit.).
Here it is important to understand that the doctrine of non-violence has been of seminal value to Gandhian ideology. Therefore violence of all kind that seemed to violate this doctrine was always held incompatible with the Gandhian way. The ethics of non-violence gave a mighty message – message of freedom from moral culpability and freedom from all intentions to harm another living being. The modern State was inconsistent with Gandhian non-violence because it followed the principle of raison
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d’Etat – reason for the State, pursuing policies on the basis of an allegedly autonomous national interest.
The modern State, Gandhi concluded was not compatible with the essential moral values associated with humanity. It was therefore not desirable to have it. An alternative must be developed for organising the society. Gandhi had comprehensive suggestions on this alternative as delineated in ‘Hind Swaraj’ and other writings. But before we take up views on the alternative polity, it would be appropriate to discuss the applicability of Gandhian critique of modern State specifically in relation to India.

6.2.2 Modern State and India
The usefulness of modern State for ‘independent’ India was an issue that had ceaselessly occupied Gandhi’s thought. A close contact with modern State and its allied institutions during Gandhi’s South Africa days had opened his mind to various cross-currents. Since there was no dearth of votaries for such a State apparatus to be replicated in India, Gandhi had to offer views that would help see the real nature of State and the flux and turbulence generated by its operations. The following comparative positions may be taken as a quick reader of Gandhi’s case for the incongruity of modern State for India. Indian Civilization
Modern State

• Indian civilization was spiritual in essence.
• Non-violence was deeply ingrained in Indian culture and was cherished by its people generally.
• Civilization in India was plural in character, was tolerant and had a rich diversity of customs and ways of life.
• India was basically a rural country.
• Stratified Indian society had autonomous and self-governing castes, sects and ethnic groups as its constituent units which required a variegated system of governance.
• Indian society valued and was based on direct and unmediated relations between human beings.
• Independent India’s foremost need was for a decentralised power structure that would take care of its diversity.
• The decentralised model was conceived on the principle that political power would vest in the rural people so that an equitable society would come into being.

State was uniquely a product of materialist civilization.
The violent character of the State was an unquestioned reality.
The modern State promoted homogeneity and was quite impersonal in nature.
Modern State was based on and promoted an urban civilization
A uniform system of laws and a set of rules and procedures that ironed out variations was modern State’s unequivocal commitment.
The modern State was a highly abstract institution.
In order to undertake the massive task of social reconstruction, the State would acquire enormous amount of power posing a threat to people’s liberties.
As noted above, the modern State was most likely to be dominated by the urbanised elite committed to values profoundly at odds with the values of rural masses. Such a State was bound to be exploitative as its colonial predecessor and alienated from the common person.

Gandhi had by 1904 read the Ref. Unto This Last and had begun to seriously formulate ideas regarding the ‘common good’. Uppermost in the thoughts was the doctrine of governance that would be essentially focused on the people and would attempt to ensure the promotion of a system for the betterment of all. Various conceptualisations of this doctrine were made by Gandhi without ever losing sight of the central concern – ‘common good’. We can cite the following passage from his writings, that had appeared in the December issue of Young India (9 December, 1926), as illustrative of this process: “A votary of ‘Ahimsa’ cannot subscribe to the utilitarian formula (of the greatest good of the greatest number). He will strive for the greatest good of all and die in the attempt to realise the idea. He will, therefore, be willing to die, so that the others may live. He will serve himself with the rest, by himself dying. The greatest good of all inevitably includes the good of the greatest number, and therefore, he and the utilitarian will converge in many points in their career, but there does come a time when they must part company, and even work in opposite directions. The utilitarian to be logical will never sacrifice himself. The absolutist will even sacrifice himself”.
At this stage in our Unit then we find ourselves located at a point from where we can clearly see a rejection of the modern State as a viable model for independent India and an urge on the part of Gandhi to develop a model of polity that would grow from the historical basis of India and would at the same time take on the developed world in terms of parity.

6.3 MODEL OF POLITY: ‘SWARAJ’
Gandhian perspective on the theory of State can be best reasoned on the basis of a model that he aspired for independent India. This polity, the model polity, was embedded in ‘Swaraj’. Self-governance or self-rule at a general level carried the meaning of ‘Swaraj’. Thus Swaraj was a collective goal of the Indians as well as their individual goal; and it did not necessarily mean an alternative State that is some kind of a reformed structure against the structure of the modern State. Gandhi had forcefully agued for the abolition of English rule which was based on the apparatus of a modern State along with the banishment of all the other vestiges of colonialism and had viewed that certain dangers had resided in any State including a democratic State (Terchek, op.cit.). An autonomous, free, self-governing individual and a collectivity of such individuals constituted the elemental units of ‘Swaraj’. As Stated in the introduction above, ‘Hind Swaraj’ is a text where clear-sighted formulation of the idea of ‘Swaraj’ can be seen. This has to be supplemented by his other writings from Young India and Harijan and those published elsewhere.
6.3.1 Guiding Principles
Gandhi had envisioned for independent India a polity that would be based on the principle of democratic self-government or self-rule. In this polity transcendence of self-centeredness and selfish interests would be an automatic process. Socially responsible and morally disciplined citizens of such a polity may not ideally require a State. Thus a non-statal polity was what was closest to Gandhi’s view of ‘Swaraj’. Since this proposition was “Like the Euclidean straight line, inherently unrealisable but to be constantly approximated, Gandhi opted for ‘ordered anarchy’ under which citizens enjoyed maximum freedom consistent with minimum necessary order” (Parekh, 1989, op.cit.).
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The guiding principles of such a polity were clear and may be detailed as below:
• Since non-violence was the bedrock of Gandhian ideology it was obvious that polity would be firmly rooted in it
• The autonomy of the individual was equally important. Hence recovery of moral and social powers, surrendered to the State under colonial dispensation, was another primal requirement
• The new polity was expected to build up courage, and a sense of power among its people
• It was also expected of the new polity to honour the diversity of Indian society by fostering strong and vibrant local communities
• Regeneration of Indian culture was another important requirement
• The new polity was urgently required to end ethnic and religious strife and establish national unity
• The new polity would be constituted by self-governing local communities organised in the form of a central government but not creating a centralised structure of authority.

In this scheme, negation of a centralised structure of authority was quite contentious. Gandhi dilated on this aspect (as to whether in an ideal society, there should be any or no government) in his editorial in Harijan in 1946 (15 September): “I do not think, we need worry ourselves about this at the moment. If we continue to work for such a society, it will slowly come into being to an extent, such that the people can benefit by it. Euclid’s line is one without breadth but no one has so far been able to draw it and never will. All the same it is only by keeping the ideal line in mind that we have made progress in geometry. What is true here is true of every ideal…”
He adds further, it must be remembered that nowhere in the world, does a State without government exist. If at all it could ever come into being, it would be in India; for, ours is the only country where the attempt has, at any rate, been made. We have not yet been able to show that bravery to the degree, which is necessary and for the attainment of which there is only one way. Those who have faith in the latter, have to demonstrate it”.
Gandhi thought that the real basis of the new polity was cooperation of the people. He was clear in his perception that neither the consent and will of the people nor any coercion would provide any firm basis. It was only the cooperation of the people whether active or passive, that would lay the foundation of the new polity. This cooperation consisted in rendering various services such as paying taxes, executing orders, abiding by laws and regulations. In other words, citizens were self-conscious moral agents in the new polity.

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Rab Na Kare Ke Yeh Song

Hmm Hmm Hmm.. O Ho Ho Ho Ho Ho..
(Rab Na Kare Ke Yeh Jindagi, Kabhi Kisko Daga De
Kisko Rulaaye Na Dil Ki Lagi, Maula Sabko Duwa De)- 2
Hmm Hmm Hmm.. O Ho Ho Ho Ho Ho..

(Tere Pehalu Mein Jo Raatein Gujaari
Shab-E-Maahtaab Mein Najarein Utaari)-2
(Hum Bhi Ruke Hai Uss Mod Par, Koyi Hamko Sada De) - 2
Rab Na Kare Ke Yeh Jindagi, Kabhi Kisiko Daga De
Kisko Rulaaye Na Dil Ki Lagi, Maula Sabko Duwa De

(Salaamat Rahe Taaki Waav Na Laage
Tere Hijrr Mein Koyi Saari Raat Jaage)- 2
(Chain Se Soye Jaan Meri Sapuwa De Sawa De)- 2
Rab Na Kare Ke Yeh Jindagi, Kabhi Kisiko Daga De
Kisko Rulaaye Na Dil Ki Lagi, Maula Sabko Duwa De

(Kaise Chukaau Tere Ehsaan Main
Rakh Du Yeh Bhi Dina Imaan Main)- 2
(Har Saans Meri Naam Tere, Rab Mujhko Kaja De)-2
Rab Na Kare Ke Yeh Jindagi, Kabhi Kisiko Daga De
Kisko Rulaaye Na Dil Ki Lagi, Maula Sabko Duwa De
Hmm Hmm Hmm.. O Ho Ho Ho Ho Ho…………

Javeda zindagi
tose nainaa laage - 2tose nainaa laage piyaa savren nahi basamein ab ye jiyaa savren - 2muhobbat to ek jaavedaa jindagi hai - 2tose nainaa laage mili roshani tose man jo laagaa mili jindagi - 2muhobbat to ek jaavedaa jindagi hai - 2 muhobbat ki hai daasataa jindagi muhobbat naa ho to kahaa jindagi - 2muhobbat to ek jaavedaa jindagi hai - 2tose nainaa laage shamaa ko pighalane kaa armaan kyun haipatangeko jalane kaa aramaan kyun haiisi shauk kaa imtihaan jindagi hai - 2 muhobbat jise baksh de jindagaaninahi maut par khatm usaki kahaani kaise jiyaa jaaye - 3 ishq binnahi koi insaan muhobbat se khaalihar ek ruh pyaasi har ek dil savaanimuhobbat jahaan hai wahaa jindagi haimuhobbat naa ho to kahaa jindagi haitose nainaa laage mili roshani tose man jo laagaa mili jindagi - 2muhobbat jise baksh de jindagaaninahi maut par khatm usaki kahaani………

Maula mere maula mere, maula mere maula mere, maula mere – 4 aankhein teri - 2, kitni haseenki inkaa aashiq, mein ban gayaa hoonmujhako basaa le, iname tu(ishq haimaula mere, maula mere maula mere, maula mere - 2) - 3 ki inakaa aashiq, mein ban gayaa hoonmujhako basaa le, iname tu mujhase yeh har ghadi, meraa dil kahetum hi ho usaki aarzoomujhase yeh har ghadi, mere lab kaheteri hi ho sab guftagoobaatein teri itni haseen, main yaad inko jab kartaa hoonphoolon si aaye, khushaboo rakh loon chhupaa ke main kahin tujhakosaayaa bhi teraa naa main doonrakh loon banaa ke kahin ghar, main tujhesaath tere, main hi rahoonjulfen teri, itni ghanidekh ke inako, yeh sochataa hoonsaaye me, inake main jiyoon(ishq haimaula mere, maula mere maula mere, maula mere - 2) - 3 (meraa dil yahi bolaa, meraa dil yahi bolaa,yaara raaj yeh usane hai mujh par kholaaki hai ishq mohabbat, jiske dil meinusko pasand karta hai maulaa) - 3